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Volume: I Pages:
425-430
OCTOBER 27, 1807
To the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United
States :
Circumstances, fellow-citizens,
which seriously threatened the
peace of our country have made
it a duty to convene you at an
earlier period than usual. The
love of peace so much cherished
in the bosoms of our citizens,
which has so long guided the
proceedings of their public
councils and induced forbearance
under so many wrongs, may not
insure our continuance in the
quiet pursuits of industry. The
many injuries and depredations
committed on our commerce and
navigation upon the high seas
for years past, the successive
innovations on those principles
of public law which have been
established by the reason and
usage of nations and peace, and
all the circumstances which
induced the extraordinary
mission to London are already
known to you. The instructions
given to our ministers were
framed in the sincerest spirit
of amity and moderation. They
accordingly proceeded, in
conformity therewith, to propose
arrangements which might embrace
and settle all the points in
difference between us to a
mutual understanding on our
neutral and national rights
provide for a commercial
intercourse on conditions of
some equality. After long and
fruitless endeavors to effect
the purposes of their mission
and to obtain arrangements
within the limits of their
instructions, they concluded to
sign such as could be obtained
and to send them for
consideration, candidly
declaring to the other
negotiations at the same time
that they were acting against
their instructions, and that
their Government, therefore,
could not be pledged for
ratification.
Some of the articles
proposed might have been
admitted on a principle of
compromise, but others were too
highly disadvantageous, and no
sufficient provision was made
against the principle source of
the irritations and collisions
which were constantly
endangering the peace of the two
nations. The question,
therefore, whether a treaty
should be accepted in that form
could have admitted but of one
decision, even had no
declarations of the other party
impaired our confidence in it.
Still anxious not to close the
door against friendly
adjustment, new modifications
were framed and further
concessions authorized than
could before have been supposed
necessary; and our ministers
were instructed to resume their
negotiations on these grounds.
On this new reference to
amicable discussion we were
reposing in confidence, when on
the 22d day of June last by a
formal order from British
admiral the frigate Chesapeake,
leaving her port for a distant
service, was attacked by one of
those vessels which had been
lying in our harbors under the
indulgences of hospitality, was
disabled from proceeding, had
several of her crew killed and
four taken away. On this outrage
no commentaries are necessary.
Its character has been
pronounced by the indignant
voice of our citizens with an
emphasis and unanimity never
exceeded. I immediately, by
proclamation, interdicted our
harbors and waters to all
British armed vessels, forbade
intercourse with them, and
uncertain how far hostilities
were intended, and the town of
Norfolk, indeed being threatened
with immediate attack, a
sufficient force was ordered for
the protection of that place,
and such other preparations
commenced and pursued as the
prospect rendered proper. An
armed vessel of the United
States was dispatched with
instructions to our ministers at
London to call on that
Government for the satisfaction
and security required by the
outrage. A very short interval
ought now to bring the answer,
which shall be communicated to
you as soon as received; then
also, or as soon after as the
public interests shall be found
to admit; the unratified treaty
and proceedings relative to it
shall be made known to you.
The aggression thus begun has
been continued on the part of
the British commanders by
remaining within our waters in
defiance of the authority of the
country, by habitual violations
of its jurisdiction, and at
length by putting to death one
of the persons whom they had
forcibly taken from on board the
Chesapeake. These aggravations
necessarily lead to the policy
either of never admitting an
armed vessel into our harbors or
of maintaining in every harbor
such an armed force as may
constrain obedience to the laws
and protect the lives and
property of our citizens against
their armed guests; but the
expense of such a standing force
and its inconsistence with our
principles dispense with those
courtesies which would
necessarily call for it, and
leave us equally free to exclude
the navy, as we are the army, of
a foreign power from entering
our limits.
To former violations of maritime
rights another is now added of
very extensive effect. The
Government of that nation has
issued an order interdicting all
trade by neutrals between ports
not in amity with them; and
being now at war with nearly
every nation on the Atlantic and
Mediterranean seas, our vessels
are required to sacrifice their
cargos at the first port they
touch or to return home without
the benefit of going to any
other market. Under this new law
of the ocean our trade on the
Mediterranean has been swept
away by seizures and
condemnations, and that in other
seas is threatened with the same
fate.
Our differences with Spain
remain still unsettled, no
measure having been taken on her
part since my last
communications to Congress to
bring them to a close. But under
a state of things which may
favor reconsideration they have
been recently pressed, and an
expectation is entertained that
they may now soon be brought to
an issue of some sort. With
their subjects on our borders no
new collisions have taken place
nor seem immediately to be
apprehended. To our former
grounds of complaint has been
added a very serious one, as you
will see by the decree a copy of
which is now communicated.
Whether this decree, which
professed to be conformable to
that of the French Government of
November 21, 1806, heretofore
communicated to Congress, will
also be conformed to that in its
construction and application in
relation to the United States
had not been ascertained at the
date of our last communications.
These, however, gave reason to
expect such a conformity.
With the other nations of Europe
our harmony has been
uninterrupted, and commerce and
friendly intercourse have been
maintained on their usual
footing.
Our peace with the several
states on the coast of Barbary
appears as firm as at any former
period and as likely to continue
as that of any other nation.
Among our Indian neighbors in
the northwestern quarter some
fermentation was observed soon
after the late occurrences,
threatening the continuance of
our peace. Messages were said to
be interchanged and tokens to be
passing, which usually denote a
state of restlessness among
them, and the character of the
agitators pointed to the sources
of excitement. Measures were
immediately taken for providing
against that danger;
instructions were given to
require explanations, and, with
assurances of our continued
friendship, to admonish the
tribes to remain quiet at home,
taking no part in quarrels not
belonging o them. As far as we
are yet informed, the tribes in
our vicinity, who are most
advanced in the pursuits of
industry, are sincerely disposed
to adhere to their friendship
with us and to their peace with
all others, while those more
remote do not present
appearances sufficiently quiet
to justify the intermission of
military precaution on our part.
The great tribes on our
southwestern quarter, much
advanced beyond the others in
agriculture and household arts,
appear tranquil and identifying
their views with ours in
proportion to their advancement.
With the whole of these people,
in every quarter, I shall
continue to inculcate peace and
friendship with all their
neighbors and perseverance in
those occupations and pursuits
which will best promote their
own well-being.
The appropriations of the last
session for the defense of our
seaport towns and harbors were
made under expectation that a
continuance of peace would
permit us to proceed in that
work according to our
convenience. It has been thought
better to apply the sums then
given toward the defense of New
York, Charleston, and New
Orleans chiefly as most open and
most likely first to need
protection, and to leave places
less immediately in danger to
the provisions of the present
session.
The gunboats, too already
provided have on a like
principle been chiefly assigned
to New York, New Orleans, and
the Chesapeake. Whether our
movable force on the water, so
material in aid of the defensive
works on the land, should be
augmented in this or any other
form is left to the wisdom of
the Legislature. For the purpose
of manning these vessels in
sudden attacks on our harbors it
is a matter for consideration
whether the seamen of the United
States may not justly be formed
into a special militia, to be
called on for tours of duty in
defense of the harbors where
they shall happen to be, the
ordinary militia of the place
furnishing that portion which
may consist of landsmen.
The moment our peace was
threatened I deemed it
indispensable to secure a
greater provision of those
articles of military stores with
which our magazines were not
sufficiently furnished. To have
awaited a previous and special
sanction by law would have lost
occasions which might not be
retrieved. I did not hesitate,
therefore to authorize
engagements for such supplements
to our existing stock would
render it adequate to the
emergencies threatening us, and
I trust that the legislature,
feeling the same anxiety for the
safety of our country, so
materially advanced by this
precaution, will approve, when
done, what they would have seen
so important to be done if then
assembled. Expenses, also
unprovided for, arose out of the
necessity of calling all our
gunboats into actual service for
the defense of our harbors; of
all which accounts will be laid
before you.
When a regular army is to be
raised, and to what extent, must
depend on the information so
shortly expected. In the
meantime I have called on the
States for quotas of militia, to
be in readiness for present
defense, and have, moreover,
encouraged the acceptance of
volunteers; and I am happy to
inform you that these have
offered themselves with great
alacrity in every part of the
Union. They are ordered to be
organized and ready at a
moment's warning to proceed on
any service to which they may be
called, and every preparation
within the Executive powers has
been made to insure us the
benefit of early exertions.
I informed Congress at their
last session of the enterprises
against the public peace which
were believed to be in
preparation by Aaron Burr and
his associates, of the measures
taken to defeat them and to
bring the offenders to justice.
Their enterprises were happily
defeated by the patriotic
exertions of the militias
whenever called into action, by
the fidelity of the Army, and
energy of the commander in chief
in promptly arranging the
difficulties presenting
themselves on the Sabine,
repairing to meet those arising
on the Mississippi , and
dissipating before their
explosion plots engendering
there. I shall think it my duty
to lay before you the
proceedings and the evidence
publicly exhibited on the
arraignment of the principle
offenders before the circuit
court of Virginia. You will be
enabled to judge whether the
defect was in the testimony, in
the law, or in the
administration of the law; and
whenever it shall be found, the
Legislation alone can apply or
originate the remedy. The
framers of our Constitution
certainly supposed they had
guarded as well their Government
against destruction by treason
as their citizens against
oppression under pretense of it,
and if these ends are not
attained it is of importance to
inquire by what means more
effectual they may be secured.
The accounts of the receipts of
revenue during the year ending
on the 30th day of September
last being not yet made up, a
correct statement will be
hereafter transmitted from the
Treasury. In the meantime, it is
ascertained that the receipts
have amounted to near
$16,000,000 which, with the five
millions and a half in the
Treasury at the beginning of the
year, have enabled us, after
meeting the current demands and
interest incurred, to pay more
than four millions of the
principle of our funded debt.
These payments, with those of
the preceding five and a half
years, have extinguished of the
funded debt $25,500,000, being
the whole which could be paid or
purchased within the limits of
the law and of our contracts,
and have left us in the Treasury
$8,500,000. A portion of this
sum may be considered as a
commencement of accumulation of
the surpluses of revenue which
after paying the installments of
debt as they shall become
payable, will remain without any
specific object. It may partly,
indeed, be applied toward
completing the defense of the
exposed points of our country,
on such a scale as shall be
adapted to our principles and
circumstances. This object is
doubtless among the first
entitled to attention in such a
state of our finances, and it is
one which, whether we have peace
or war, will provide security
where it is due. Whether what
shall remain of this, with the
future surpluses, may be
usefully applied to purposes
already authorized or more
usefully to others requiring new
authorities, or how otherwise
they shall be disposed of, are
questions calling for the notice
of Congress, unless, indeed,
they shall be superseded by a
change in our public relations
now awaiting the determination
of others. Whatever be that
determination, it is a great
consolation that it will become
known at a moment when the
supreme council of the nation is
assembled at its post, and ready
to give the aids of its wisdom
and authority to whatever course
the good of our country shall
then call us to pursue.
Matters of minor importance will
be the subjects of future
communications, and nothing
shall be wanting on my part
which may give information or
dispatch to the proceedings of
the Legislature in the exercise
of their high duties, and at a
moment so interesting to the
public welfare.
TH: JEFFERSON.
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