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Volume: I Pages:
405-410
DECEMBER 2, 1806.
To the Senate and House of
Representatives of the Unite
States of America in Congress
assembled:
It would have given me,
fellow-citizens, great
satisfaction to announce in the
moment of your meeting that the
difficulties in our foreign
relations existing at the time
of your last separation had been
amicably and justly terminated.
I lost no time in taking those
measures which were most likely
to bring them to such a
termination__ by special
missions charged with such
powers and instructions as in
the event of failure could leave
no imputation on either our
moderation or forbearance. The
delays which have since taken
place in our negotiations with
the British government appear to
have proceeded from causes which
do not forbid the expectation
that during the course of the
session I may be enabled to lay
before you their final issue.
What will be that of the
negotiations for settling our
differences with Spain, nothing
which had taken place at the
date of the last dispatches
enables us to pronounce. On the
western side of the Mississippi
she advanced in considerable
force, and took post at the
settlement of Bayou Pierre, on
the Red River. This village was
originally settled by France,
was held by her as long as she
held Louisiana, and was
delivered to Spain only as a
part of Louisiana. Being small,
insulated, and distant, it was
not observed, at the moment of
redelivery to France and the
United States, that she
continued a guard of half a
dozen men which had been
stationed there. A proposition,
however, having been lately made
by our commander-in-chief, to
assume the Sabine river as a
temporary line of separation
between the troops of the two
nations until the issue of our
negotiations shall be known;
this has been referred by the
Spanish commandant to his
superior, and in the meantime,
he has withdrawn his force to
the western side of the Sabine
river. The correspondence on
this subject, now communicated,
will exhibit more particularly
the present state of things in
that quarter.
The nature of that country
requires indispensably that an
unusual proportion of the force
employed there should be cavalry
or mounted infantry. In order,
therefore, that the commanding
officer might be enabled to act
with effect, I had authorized
him to call on the governors of
Orleans and Mississippi for a
corps of 500 volunteer cavalry.
The temporary arrangement he has
proposed may perhaps render this
unnecessary; but I inform you
with great pleasure of the
promptitude with which the
inhabitants of those Territories
have tendered their services in
defense of their country. It has
done honor to themselves,
entitled them to the confidence
of their fellow-citizens in
every part of the Union, and
must strengthen the general
determination to protect them
efficaciously under all
circumstances which may occur.
Having received information that
in another part of the United
States a great number of private
individuals were combining
together, arming and organizing
themselves contrary to law, to
carry on military expeditions
against the territories of
Spain, I thought it necessary,
by proclamations as well as by
special orders, to take measures
for preventing and suppressing
this enterprise, for seizing the
vessels, arms, and other means
provided for it, and for
arresting and bringing to
justice its authors and
abettors. It was due to that
good faith which ought ever to
be the rule of action in public
as well as in private
transactions, it was due to good
order and regular government,
that while the public force was
acting strictly on the defensive
and merely to protect our
citizens from aggression the
criminal attempts of private
individuals to decide for their
country the question of peace or
war, by commencing active and
unauthorized hostilities, should
be promptly and efficaciously
suppressed.
Whether it will be necessary to
enlarge our regular force will
depend on the result of our
negotiations with Spain; but as
it is uncertain when that result
will be known, the provisional
measures requisite for that, and
to meet any pressure intervening
in that quarter, will be a
subject for your early
consideration.
The possession of both banks of
the Mississippi reducing to a
single point the defense of that
river, its waters, and the
country adjacent, it becomes
highly necessary to provide for
that point a more adequate
security. Some position above
its mouth, commanding the
passage of the river, should be
rendered sufficiently strong to
cover the armed vessels which
may be stationed there for
defense, and in conjunction with
them to present an insuperable
obstacle to any force attempting
to pass. The approaches to the
city of New Orleans, from the
eastern quarter also will
require to be examined and more
effectually guarded. For the
internal support of the country
the encouragement of a strong
settlement on the western side
of the Mississippi, within reach
of New Orleans, will be worthy
the consideration of the
Legislature.
The gunboats authorized by an
act of the last session are so
advanced that they will be ready
for service in the ensuing
spring. Circumstances permitted
us to allow the time necessary
for their more solid
construction. As a much larger
number will still be wanting to
place our seaport towns and
waters in that state of defense
to which we are competent and
they entitled, a similar
appropriation for a further
provision for them is
recommended for the ensuing
year.
A further appropriation will
also be necessary for repairing
fortifications already
established, and the erection of
such other works as may have
real effect in obstructing the
approach of an enemy to our
seaport towns, or their
remaining before them.
In a country whose constitution
is derived from the will of the
people, directly expressed by
their free suffrages; where the
principal executive
functionaries, and those of the
legislature, are renewed by them
at short periods; where under
the characters of jurors, they
exercise in person the greatest
portion of the judiciary powers;
where the laws are consequently
so formed and administered as to
bear with equal weight and favor
on all, restraining no man in
the pursuits of honest industry,
and securing to every one the
property which that acquires, it
would not be supposed that any
safeguards could be needed
against insurrection or
enterprise on the public peace
or authority. The laws, however,
aware that these should not be
trusted to moral restraints
only, have wisely provided
punishment for these crimes when
committed. But would it not be
salutary to give also the means
of preventing their commission?
Where an enterprise is meditated
by private individuals against a
foreign nation in amity with the
United States, powers of
prevention to a certain extent
are given by the laws. Would
they not be as reasonable and
useful where the enterprise
preparing is against the United
States? While adverting to this
branch of law it is proper to
observe, that in enterprises
meditated against foreign
nations the ordinary process of
binding to the observance of the
peace and good behavior, could
it be extended to acts to be
done out of the jurisdiction of
the United States, would be
effectual in some cases where
the offender is able to keep out
of sight every indication of his
purpose which could draw on him
the exercise of the powers now
given by law.
The States on the coast of
Barbary seem generally disposed
at present to respect our peace
and friendship; with Tunis alone
some uncertainty remains.
Persuaded that it is our
interest to maintain our peace
with them on equal terms, or not
at all, I propose to send in due
time a reinforcement into the
Mediterranean, unless previous
information shall show it to be
unnecessary.
We continue to receive proofs of
the growing attachment of our
Indian neighbors, and of their
disposition to place all their
interests under the patronage of
the United States. These
dispositions are inspired by
their confidence in our justice,
and in the sincere concern we
feel for their welfare; and as
long as we discharge these high
and honorable functions with the
integrity and good faith which
alone can entitle us to their
continuance, we may expect to
reap the just reward in their
peace and friendship.
The expedition of Messrs. Lewis
and Clarke, for exploring the
river Missouri, and the best
communication from that to the
Pacific ocean, has had all the
success which could have been
expected. They have traced the
Missouri nearly to its source,
descended the Columbia to the
Pacific ocean, ascertained with
accuracy the geography of that
interesting communication across
our continent, learnt the
character of the country, of its
commerce and inhabitants; and it
is but justice to say that
Messrs. Lewis and Clarke, and
their brave companions, have by
this arduous service deserved
well of their country.
The attempt to explore the Red
river, under the direction of
Mr. Freeman, though conducted
with a zeal and prudence
meriting entire approbation, has
not been equally successful.
After proceeding up it about 600
miles, nearly as far as the
French settlements had extended
while the country was in their
possession, our geographers were
obliged to return without
completing their work.
Very useful additions have also
been made to our knowledge of
the Mississippi by Lieutenant
Pike, who has ascended it to its
source, and whose journal and
map, giving the details of his
journey, will shortly be ready
for communication to both Houses
of Congress. Those of Messrs.
Lewis, Clarke, and Freeman will
require further time to be
digested and prepared. These
important surveys, in addition
to those before possessed,
furnish materials for commencing
an accurate map of the
Mississippi and its western
waters. Some principal rivers,
however, remain still to be
explored, toward which the
authorization of Congress, by
moderate appropriations, will be
requisite.
I congratulate you,
fellow-citizens, on the approach
of the period at which you may
interpose your authority
constitutionally, to withdraw
the citizens of the United
States from all further
participation in those
violations of human rights which
have been so long continued on
the unoffending inhabitants of
Africa, and which the morality,
the reputation, and the best
interests of our country, have
long been eager to proscribe.
Although no law you may pass can
take prohibitory effect till the
first day of the year 1808, yet
the intervening period is not
too long to prevent, by timely
notice, expeditions which cannot
be completed before that day.
The receipts at the treasury
during the year ending on the
30th of September last, have
amounted to near
$15,000,000,which have enabled
us, after meeting the current
demands, to pay $2,700,000 of
the American claims, in part of
the price of Louisiana; to pay
of the funded debt upward of
three millions of principal and
nearly four of interest, and, in
addition, to reimburse, in the
course of the present month,
near two millions of 5 1/2 per
cent. stock. These payments and
reimbursements of the funded
debt, with those which have been
made in the four years and a
half preceding, will at the
close of the present year have
extinguished upward of
twenty-three millions of
principal.
The duties composing the
Mediterranean fund will cease by
law at the end of the present
session. Considering, however,
that they are levied chiefly on
luxuries and that we have an
impost on salt, a necessary of
life, the free use of which
otherwise is so important, I
recommend to your consideration
the suppression of the duties on
salt, and the continuation of
the Mediterranean fund instead
thereof for a short time, after
which that also will become
unnecessary for any purpose now
within contemplation.
When both of these branches of
revenue shall in this way be
relinquished there will still
ere long be an accumulation of
moneys in the Treasury beyond
the installments of public debt
which we are permitted by
contract to pay. They can not
then, without a modification
assented to by the public
creditors, be applied to the
extinguishment of this debt, and
the complete liberation of our
revenues, the most desirable of
all objects. Nor, if our peace
continues, will they be wanting
for any other existing purpose.
The question therefore now comes
forward, To what other objects
shall these surpluses be
appropriated, and the whole
surplus of impost, after the
entire discharge of the public
debt, and during those intervals
when the purposes of war shall
not call for them? Shall we
suppress the impost and give
that advantage to foreign over
domestic manufactures? On a few
articles of more general and
necessary use, the suppression
in due season will doubtless be
right, but the great mass of the
articles on which impost is paid
is foreign luxuries, purchased
by those only who are rich
enough to afford themselves the
use of them. Their patriotism
would certainly prefer its
continuance and application to
the great purposes of the public
education, roads, rivers,
canals, and such other objects
of public improvement as it may
be thought proper to add to the
constitutional enumeration of
federal powers. By these
operations new channels of
communication will be opened
between the States; the lines of
separation will disappear, their
interests will be identified,
and their union cemented by new
and indissoluble ties. Education
is here placed among the
articles of public care, not
that it would be proposed to
take its ordinary branches out
of the hands of private
enterprise, which manages so
much better all the concerns to
which it is equal; but a public
institution can alone supply
those sciences which, though
rarely called for, are yet
necessary to complete the
circle, all the parts of which
contribute to the improvement of
the country, and some of them to
its preservation. The subject is
now proposed for the
consideration of Congress,
because, if approved by the time
the State legislatures shall
have deliberated on this
extension of the federal trusts,
and the laws shall be passed,
and other arrangements made for
their execution, the necessary
funds will be on hand and
without employment. I suppose an
amendment to the constitution,
by consent of the States,
necessary, because the objects
now recommended are not among
those enumerated in the
constitution, and to which it
permits the public moneys to be
applied.
The present consideration of a
national establishment for
education, particularly, is
rendered proper by this
circumstance also, that if
Congress, approving the
proposition, shall yet think it
more eligible to found it on a
donation of lands, they have it
now in their power to endow it
with those which will be among
the earliest to produce the
necessary income. This
foundation would have the
advantage of being independent
on war, which may suspend other
improvements by requiring for
its own purposes the resources
destined for them.
This, fellow citizens, is the
state of the public interest at
the present moment, and
according to the information now
possessed. But such is the
situation of the nations of
Europe, and such too the
predicament in which we stand
with some of them, that we
cannot rely with certainty on
the present aspect of our
affairs that may change from
moment to moment, during the
course of your session or after
you shall have separated. Our
duty is, therefore, to act upon
things as they are, and to make
a reasonable provision for
whatever they may be. Were
armies to be raised whenever a
speck of war is visible in our
horizon, we never should have
been without them. Our resources
would have been exhausted on
dangers which have never
happened, instead of being
reserved for what is really to
take place. A steady, perhaps a
quickened pace in preparations
for the defense of our seaport
towns and waters; an early
settlement of the most exposed
and vulnerable parts of our
country; a militia so organized
that its effective portions can
be called to any point in the
Union, or volunteers instead of
them to serve a sufficient time,
are means which may always be
ready yet never preying on our
resources until actually called
into use. They will maintain the
public interests while a more
permanent force shall be in
course of preparation. But much
will depend on the promptitude
with which these means can be
brought into activity. If war be
forced upon us in spite of our
long and vain appeals to the
justice of nations, rapid and
vigorous movements in its outset
will go far toward securing us
in its course and issue, and
toward throwing its burdens on
those who render necessary the
resort from reason to force.
The result of our negotiations,
or such incidents in their
course as may enable us to infer
their probable issue; such
further movements also on our
western frontiers as may show
whether war is to be pressed
there while negotiation is
protracted elsewhere, shall be
communicated to you from time to
time as they become known to me,
with whatever other information
I possess or may receive, which
may aid your deliberations on
the great national interests
committed to your charge.
TH: JEFFERSON
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