Cheapness of Free Labor, 1823
By Adams Hodgson
Perhaps a majority of those who
argued on the efficiency and
cheapness of slave and free
labor favored the latter system.
The friends of free labor
pointed out the inherent
tendency of man to shirk labor
when he had no direct concern in
its product, and naturally they
concluded that the slave would
work no more than was absolutely
necessary, and that as a result
his output would be less,
relative to his cost, than the
output of a free laborer. In
some cases friends of free labor
even contended that free men
could be induced to labor for
less wages than slaves.
If slave labour were cheaper
than free labour, we should
naturally expect that, in a
state where slavery was allowed,
land, ceteris parlbus, would be
most valuable in the districts
where that system prevailed; and
that in two adjoining states, in
the one of which slavery was
allowed, and in the other
prohibited, land would be least
valuable in the latter; but the
contrary is notoriously the
fact. In a late communication
from America on this subject,
from an intelligent observer, it
is remarked: "The system of
slave cultivation, as practiced
in the United States of America,
has likewise a most destructive
effect on the soil of our
country. The state of Maryland,
though a slave state, has
comparatively but few slaves in
the upper or western part of it;
the land in this upper district
is generally more broken by
hills and stones, and is not so
fertile as that on the southern
and eastern parts. The latter
has also the advantage of being
situated upon the navigable
rivers that flow into the
Chesapeake Bay, and its produce
can be conveyed to market at
one-third of the average expense
of that from the upper parts of
the state; yet, with all these
advantages of soil, situation,
and climate, the land within the
slave district will not, upon a
general average, sell for half
as much per acre as that in the
upper districts, which is
cultivated principally by free
men. This fact may he also
further and more strikingly
illustrated by the comparative
value of land within the states
of Virginia and Pennsylvania,
the one lying on the south, and
the other on the north side of
Maryland; the one a slave, the
other a free state. In Virginia,
land of the same natural soil
and local advantages, will not
sell for one-third as high a
price as the same description of
land will command in
Pennsylvania. This single,
plain, incontrovertible fact
speaks volumes upon the relative
value of slave and free labor,
and it is presumed renders any
further illustration
unnecessary."
If slave labour were cheaper
than free labour, we might
fairly infer that, in a state in
which slavery was allowed, free
labour would be reduced by
competition to a level with the
labour of slaves, and not slave
labour to a level with the
labour of freemen; and that in
two adjoining states, in the one
of which slavery was allowed,
and in the other prohibited,
labour would be highest, ceteris
paribus, in that in which
slavery was proscribed. But
experience proves the reverse. .
. . When in Norfolk, Virginia,
in the winter of 1820, was told,
that many slaves gave their
masters two dollars, or nine
shillings per week, for
permission to work for
themselves, and retain the
surplus. I also found, that the
common wages of slaves who are
hired, were 20s. 3d. per week
and their food, at the very time
when flour was 4 dollars, or
18s., per barrel of 196 lbs.,
and beef and mutton 3d. to 4d.
per lb. Five days afterward, in
traveling through the rich
agricultural districts of the
free state of Pennsylvania, I
found able bodied white men
willing to work for their food
only. This, indeed, was in the
winter months, and during a
period of extraordinary
pressure.
I was told, however, that the
average agricultural wages in
this free state, were 5 or 6
dollars per month, and food;
while, in Norfolk. at the time I
allude to, they were 18 dollars
per month, and food. If it
should be replied, that in the
town of Norfolk wages were
likely to be much higher than in
the country, I would ask, why
they are not so in the principal
towns of Russia?
f slave labour were cheaper than
free labour, we should naturally
expect to find it employed in
the cultivation of those
articles in which extended
competition had reduced profits
to the lowest point. On the
contrary, however, we find that
slave labour is gradually
exterminated when brought into
competition with free labour,
except where legislative
protection, or peculiarity of
soil and climate, establish such
a monopoly as to admit of an
expensive system of management.
The cultivation of indigo by
slaves in Carolina, has been
abandoned, and the price of
cotton reduced one-half, since
these articles have had to
compete in the European markets
with the productions of free
labour; and notwithstanding an
additional duty on East India
sugar of IOs. per cwt. and a
transportation of three times
the distance, the West India
planters are beyond all doubt
reduced to very great distress,
and declare that they shall be
ruined if sugar from the East
Indies shall be admitted on the
same terms as from the West.
If slave labour were cheaper
than free labour, we might
reasonably infer, that in
proportion as the circumstances
of the cultivators rendered
economy indispensable, either
from the difficulty of obtaining
slaves, or other causes, the
peculiar features of slavery
would be more firmly
established, and that every
approach to freedom would be
more sedulously shunned in the
system of culture. But it is
found by the experience of both
ancient and modern times, that
nothing has tended more to
assimilate the condition of the
slave to that of the free
labourer, or actually to effect
his emancipation, than the
necessity imposed by
circumstances of adopting the
most economical male of
cultivation. . . .If, then, it
has appeared that we should be
naturally led to infer, from the
very constitution of human
nature, that slave labour is
more expensive than the labour
of freemen; if it has appeared
that such has been the opinion
of the most eminent philosophers
and enlightened travelers in
different ages and countries; if
it has appeared
that in a state where slavery is
allowed, land is most valuable
in those districts where the
slave system prevails the least,
notwithstanding great
disadvantages of locality; and
that in adjoining states, with
precisely the same soil and
climate, in the one of which
slavery is allowed, and in the
other prohibited, land is most
valuable in that state in which
it is proscribed; if it has
appeared that slave labour has
never been able to maintain its
ground in competition with free
labour, except where monopoly
has secured high prof1ts, or
prohibitory duties afforded
artificial support; if it has
appeared that, in every quarter
of the globe, in proportion as
the circumstances of the planter
rendered attention to economy
more indispensable, the harsher
features of the slave-system
have disappeared, and the
condition of the slave has been
gradually assimilated to that of
the free labourer; and if it has
appeared that the mitigation of
slavery has been found by
experience to substitute the
alacrity of voluntary labour,
for the reluctance of compulsory
toil ; and that emancipation has
rendered the estates on which it
has taken place, greatly and
rapidly more productive I need
not, I think, adduce additional
proofs of the truth of the
general position, that slave
labour is more expensive than
the labour of freemen.