The undesirable class that
should be abolished is the
criminal, the vagrant, the
beggar, the pauper, the man who
works only when the job is easy
and agreeable, and the man who
insists upon working himself and
his family to death in the
sweat-shops. If these could be
forbidden -the city, a large
percentage of the misery, vice,
and disease of the present
tenement would be done away with
at once. But how is it to be
accomplished?
If there is any virtue in our
boasted home rule of
municipalities, then a city
should be able, by law, to
exclude the vagrant and the
pauper classes. It might not be
possible to do this by a threat
of prosecution, as sometimes
criminals are driven out by the
police ; but it could be done,
perhaps by taxation. In Berlin,
for instance, the stranger
finds, after a ten days' or a
two weeks' stop in the city,
that he is visited by a
tax-collector, who insists upon
his contributing to the
municipal purse. This is direct
taxation, which cannot be levied
by our United States government,
but may be levied by our state
or city governments. A small
specific
sum for each person coming to
live in the city (say, ten
dollars or more a head, payable
upon entrance and punishable by
imprisonment and deportation if
evaded) would not exclude the
worthy, the capable, and the
industrious, but would shut out
practically the criminal, the
vagrant, and the pauper classes
which now make the slums, and
sow the city with plague spots,
and burden the tax-payer for
their support. Again, it might
be possible through the Health
Department to regard the
tenements as public nuisances,
and thus cause their abatement;
or by regarding them as a menace
to the public health, to insist
that there be only so many
people allowed on each city
"block," or in each house, or on
each floor of a house. There is
already some prescription
of the number of cubic feet of
air that each tenement-occupant
must have; but it is almost
impossible to prevent its
evasion. As soon as the
inspector's back is turned, the
rooms fill up again with "
boarders" or "relatives"; and
the old crowding goes on, even
in the newest and most improved
tenements. Still, it should be
possible for the modern city to
rid itself of its criminal and
vagrant classes. As a measure of
self-protection it is being
forced upon the consideration
more and more each day. New York
is not bound, either in law or
in common humanity, to feed,
clothe, and harbor all the
undesirables that steamship
lines bring to it from abroad.
And it is the duty of Congress
to lend a hand by stopping such
people from coming into the
country in the first place.
We are now nearer to the gist of
the matter. Congress with its
suicidal laissez-faire policy as
regards immigration, by
permitting Europe to send us any
kind of immigrants it pleases,
is directly responsible for the
overcrowded tenements of the
city. In round numbers, a
million immigrants a year arrive
at the port of New York. Of
these fully three-quarters
(750,000) are of very
questionable desirability, to
say the least. They are
Russians, Poles, Bohemians,
Lithuanians, Greeks, Rumanians,
Slovaks, Armenians, Sicilians.
They are the class that do not
go to the farm, but to the city
; and if they work at all it is
in the sweat-shop, the
factory,and the mine. They
benefit the steamship lines that
bring them here by some twenty
dollars a head; they furnish a
cheap unskilled labor for the
manufacturer and the mine
operator ; and they burden and
render miserable whatever city
or community they settle in.
Naturally, the poorest and most
worthless of the 750,000 never
get any farther than their port
of entry — New York. They go
over to the East Side and help
on the misery there. Each year
as the crowding increases
Charity girds its loins and
sends forth an extra appeal ;
the bread lines are extended
until the police are forced to
break them up ; socialism and
anarchy parade, talk, importune,
and threaten ; and the torrent
of woe in the tenements grows
wider and deeper.
Mr. Hunter and others, in
intimate touch with conditions,
state that most of the
poverty-stricken in the cities
are foreigners, that ninety-five
per cent of the slum-dwellers
are of foreign birth, and again
that over fifty per cent of the
paupers and the insane are
foreign-born.The settlement
workers practically unite in
testimony to the effect that the
most incorrigible slummers,
paupers, and vagrants are the
Italians and the Jews. The
United Hebrew Charities keeps
reporting something over one
hundred thousand Jews in New
York who are unable to supply
themselves with the immediate
necessaries of life. The report
if made for the other
nationalities
put down among the undesirables
would not be essentially
different. And on one point all
the settlement workers are once
more practically united. The
American-born of this foreign
parentage is the most vicious
criminal of them all.
So it seems that the city is
supporting, not alone its own
indigent and poverty-stricken,
not alone its own paupers and
vagrants, but those of other
countries that are dumped upon
New York docks by devil-may-care
steamship companies. "We have
Russia's poverty, Poland's
poverty, Italy's poverty,
Hungary's poverty, Bohemia's
poverty — and what other nations
have we not?" How shall the
city ever improve the East Side
and its tenements with yearly a
heavier influx than before of
just this element? How shall the
police cope with crime when it
keeps increasing with the
continued coming of these
foreign hordes? Once more, it is
the plain duty of Congress to
stop this immigration, or else
assume the responsibility for it
instead of putting it on the
shoulders of New York. The
undesirables should be turned
back at the entrance of the
harbor, if not earlier, by
United States law. Failing in
that, the city should close its
door and open it only on the
payment of an admission fee (a
suitable tax) that would
prohibit the worthless element
from entering.
But what are the unfortunates
without the gates to do ? Where
are they to go? They do not like
living in the country, they are
not farmers, they are not even
mechanics or good ordinary
day-laborers. They have always
been used to the city and city
life. What are they to do ?
Fortunately, so long as these
people remain without the gates,
New York does not have to answer
those questions. It can ignore
them. And if it chose to fling
back savagely, "Go to the farms
and small villages and work
there, or go back to the country
from which you came," no one
could gainsay either the
frankness nor the justness of
the answer. Why should the
beggar be such a chooser of what
he likes or dislikes? Those who
made the United States and those
who are now upholding the
country, native and foreign
alike, have not asked about the
work before them whether they
liked it or not ; they have
taken hold of it and done it. No
man in this western world does
exactly as he pleases except
this same pauper, vagrant, and
criminal. It is perhaps
time he was compelled to do his
duty rather than allowed to do
his pleasure.
And a measure of compulsion
would do no harm to the same
class already within the city.
There has been perhaps too much
charity, too much help. Humanity
s that strange contrary animal
which, if one seeks to lift it
up, will insist upon getting
down; and if pushed down, it
will insist upon getting up. The
pauper and the vagrant would not
only be a surprise to himself,
but a benefit perhaps to the
town if he were arbitrarily set
to work on the public streets.
Getting for him comfortable and
convenient jobs, encouraging him
to work, helping him along by
advice, example, and praise —
how many, many times the
settlement workers have reported
the futility of this ! Why not
take a leaf from the experience
of Berlin? Why not use some
compulsion?
All of which sounds harsh in
judgment and seems wanting in
sympathy. But why should not
one's sympathy go out to the
just as well as to the unjust?
Why not sympathize with the city
rather than with those who would
ruin it ? There is no under-dog
in the fight. That simile is
almost always misleading. The
only person who is holding down
the vagrant is himself. Putting
him upon his feet and giving him
a shoulder to lean upon have
failed most lamentably. Other
nations have compelled him, out
of his own strength, to get upon
his feet and stand there. There
are no such slums as ours in
German cities; there are no East
Sides in Stockholm; there are no
beggars or vagrants in
Switzerland. We might profit by
their experience.
Such at least is the feeling of
the average person who turns
this tenement question over and
over, seeking an answer. It
seems almost impossible to help
or improve conditions by
kindness or charity, and one
wonders if there might not be
some virtue in resisting them. A
city must protect itself or
suffer the consequences of
neglect. New York must do
something with its East Side. It
is not merely an objectionable
spot to municipal art
societies_something that mars
the beauty of the city_or an
item of expense to the tax-payer
and the charitably disposed; it
is a menace to the public
health, a prolific source of
contagion. Worst of all, it is a
sink of crime and immorality. It
is not creditable to New York.
It is one of the city's most
hideous features, one of its
most violent and forbidding
contrasts.