Chapter IX Pages:
100-103
Although by July first more than
200,000 volunteers had been
mustered into service for three
years, (44) the Government could
not withstand the temptation to
repeat anew the folly of short
enlistments. Forgetful of the
fact that numbers and military
strength are by no means
synonymous, that the reputation
acquired by the militia at
Bunker Hill and New Orleans was
gained behind formidable
entrenchments, the entire
country_Congress, the Cabinet,
the press and people__began to
clamour that, before the 75,000
men called out for three months
(45) were discharged, they
should be led to battle. (46)
The first real encounter of the
war took place on June 10th at
Big Bethel, a few miles up the
Virginia peninsula from Fortress
Monroe, when the Northern
volunteers under General Pierce
were repulsed, (47) and this
fiasco, magnified into a great
victory by the South, produced
deep mortification on one side
of the Potomac and corresponding
elation on the other. (48)
The victories of Rich Mountain
and Carrick's Ford, West
Virginia, on July 11th and 14th,
resulted in the capture and
dispersal of the Confederate
troops in that section, and a
week later General Patterson's
force near Harper's Ferry had so
disintegrated as a result of its
repulse at Winchester and the
expiring enlistments that
notwithstanding his efforts to
retain the men, he was reduced
to absolute impotency."
On July 21st the main armies met
"two armed mobs" was the very
apt description given them by
Count von Moltke. The forces
were approximately of equal
strength, (50) but the elements
of weakness were, if anything,
more apparent in General
McDowell's command than in
General Beauregard's. (51) The
battle of Bull Run (52) ended in
an overwhelming victory for the
Confederates, (53) the Northern
troops being thoroughly routed
and __with the exception of the
regulars (54)__ran away in a
panic, which could not be
checked until they reached the
Potomac. (55)
Although the Confederate "army
was more disorganized by victory
than the United States was by
defeat," (56) there is no
gainsaying the fact that "the
North richly deserved its
punishment." (57) Of the causes
of this disaster,
"First among them was the
popular but mistaken belief that
because our citizens
individually possess courage,
fortitude, and self-reliance,
they must necessarily possess
the same qualities when
aggregated as soldiers. And next
to this error was the fatal
delusion, that an army animated
by patriotism needed neither
instruction nor discipline to
prepare it for battle." (58)
As Swinton aptly declares: (59)
"So far as regards the mere
physical fact of fighting, which
was at the time the
all-important question, there
was nothing of which the union
soldiers had to be ashamed they
stood up to it with the blood of
their race. The fault lay in the
inherent vicious organization of
the force in the great number of
miserable subordinate officers,
which in turn was the natural
result of the method of raising
regiments.
"When the army that so lately
had gone forth with such high
hopes returned from Manassas
shattered and discomfited to the
banks of the Potomac, wise men
saw there was that [which?] had
suffered worse defeat than the
army, it was the system under
which Bull Run had been fought
and lost. The lesson was a
severe one; but if it was needed
to demonstrate the legitimate
result of the crude
experimentalism under which the
war had been conducted when
campaigns were planned by
ignorant politicians, and
battles, precipitated by the
pressure of sanguine
journalists, were fought by
three months' levies, the price
paid was perhaps not too high.
The Bull Run experiment taught
the country it was a real war it
had undertaken, and that success
could only be hoped for by a
strict conformity to military
principles."
The remaining operations of the
year (60) can be scarcely be
dignified by any other title
than skirmishes, with the
possible exception of Wilson's
Creek, but popular imagination
invested them with all the
importance of pitched battles.
The sequel of Bull Run is thus
admirably described by that
gallant and distinguished French
officer, (61) the Comte de
Paris, long attached to the
staff of General McClellan who
superseded Scott in command of
the Union armies on November
first. (62)
"Its immediate effect upon
military operations was to
produce a sudden change in the
attitude of the belligerents.
The possession of Virginia, with
the exception of that portion
which had been recaptured by
McClellan, was secured to the
Confederates. Richmond was
beyond danger of any attack, and
Washington was threatened anew.
We shall see the Federal
government organize a powerful
army within its capital; but its
opponents, also taking advantage
of the respite which the victory
gave them, will increase their
forces almost as rapidly, so as
to keep those of the enemy
constantly in check; and they
remained quiet during a period
of nine months on the field of
battle conquered on the 21st of
July.
"But it was chiefly through its
moral effect that this first
encounter was to exercise a
powerful influence upon the war
of which it was only the
prelude...In short, this victory
inspired the South with
unlimited confidence in her own
resources and the conviction
that she could never be
vanquished. At the outset this
conviction was a great element
of success; it inspired her
soldiers, already impressed with
a sense of their superiority
over their adversaries, with
that daring which frequently
determined the fate of battles.
But at the same time it also
rendered her improvident, and
made her neglect many details
the importance of which she felt
too late; it prevented her, at
this critical hour, from
availing herself of all
resources, from calling together
all able-bodied men, from
organizing the interior defense
of the States, which she thought
could never be invaded; and, in
this manner, it prepared the way
for the disasters she met with
in the West the following
year....
"This disaster, which might have
discouraged the North, proved,
on the contrary, a salutary
lesson. Far from dividing the
States faithful to the Union, as
the Confederate leaders had
anticipated, it only had the
effect of stimulating their
patriotism and of rendering them
more clear-sighted. At the news
of the defeat, they appreciated
at last the difficulty of the
task they had undertaken, but
they never shrank from it. They
understood that in order to
OBTAIN SUCCESS IN A GREAT WAR,
IT IS NOT SUFFICIENT TO HAVE A
GREAT NUMBER OF SOLDIERS, IT IS
NECESSARY THAT THEY SHOULD BE
WELL TRAINED; that ARMIES ARE
COMPLICATED MACHINES WHICH
REQUIRE AS MUCH SCIENCE AS CARE
IN THEIR CONSTRUCTION, AND THAT
if popular enthusiasm and
personal courage supply the
materials, IT REQUIRES
DISCIPLINE TO COMBINE THEM. From
that day the North submitted
patiently and with determination
of purpose to all that was
required to organize her forces
and to put them in a condition
to undertake long and fatiguing
campaigns. Although the soldiers
composing the national armies
still bear the name of
volunteers, the aim of all their
efforts will henceforth be to
acquire THAT INSTRUCTION AND
THAT EXPERIENCE WHICH CAUSE THE
SUPERIORITY OF REGULAR TROOPS.
"The improvised generals will
give place to those who are
brought up in the military
career; (63) the officers who
seriously try to learn their
profession will be greatly
encouraged by the confidence of
the public and of the army. It
is not, therefore, to this
American democracy, which is
essentially practical and
profits by experience, (64) that
the partisans of levies en masse
and improvised armies must look
for confirmation of their
theories."
FOOTNOTES (44-64) ON CHAPTER
IX Pages: 100-103
44.By virtue of the President's
call of May 3rd and the
Congressional acts of July 22nd
and 25th, the North furnished
700,680 volunteers.__Phisterer,
Statistical Records of the
Armies of the United States
(Campaigns of the Civil War
Series), p. 4.
45. Mr. Lincoln's call of April
15th produced no less than
91,816 men for three months'
service.__Ibid, p.3.
46. Upton, p. 243; Alexander,
Military Memoirs of a
Confederate, p. 15.
47. This expedition, devised by
General Benjamin Butler for the
purpose of capturing the
Confederate posts at Bethel, was
composed of six volunteer
regiments and a battalion.
General Pierce was never
mustered into the United States
service and had no right to any
command. The Confederate force,
composed of North Carolina and
Virginia troops about 1,100
strong, was commanded by Colonel
D.H. Hill,__Swinton, pp. 31-33/
48. Ibid, p.33.
49. Swinton, pp. 38, 39 and 46;
Comte de Paris, I, pp. 222-226;
Report of the Joint Committee on
the Conduct of the War, III; pp.
196-197; Ropes, I, pp. 129-131.
50. Confederates 29,949, Union
28,568.__Report of the Joint
Committee, II, p. 249; Upton, P.
246.
51. McDowell had only 800
regulars. On the day of the
battle some of the volunteers
had been in service less than a
month; the terms of all the
militia were on the eve of
expiring. The force was an
unknown quantity, and discipline
and cohesion were notable for
their absence.__Battles and
Leaders of the Civil War, I, pp.
175-194; Report of the Joint
Committee, III, p. 38; Swinton,
pp. 42-44; Comte de Paris, I,
pp. 227-228.
52. The Union forces engaged
consisted of 896 officers,
17,676 men and 24 guns.
Beauregard, having been joined
by Johnston from the Shenandoah,
had 18,053._Battles and Leaders,
I, pp. 194-195.
53. The Union army lost 460
killed, 1,124 wounded, 1,312
captured or missing, a total of
2,896. The Confederates had 387
killed, 1,582 wounded, and 13
captured or missing, a total of
1,982.__Ibid. Alexander,
pp.50-51, gives the Confederate
losses as 2,708.
It was at this battle that
General Thomas J. Jackson won
his appellation of "Stonewall
Jackson."__Long, Memoirs of
Robert E. Lee, p. 108.
Interesting accounts of this
action are also given by
Longstreet, From Manassas to
Appomattox, pp. 42-57, and by
Gordon, Reminiscences of the
Civil War, pp. 37-46.
54. Official report of Major
Sykes. Moore, II, pp. 24-25.
55. Official reports of General
McDowell and General Heintzelman,
Ibid, II, pp. 2-7 and 25-27.
56. General Joseph E. Johnston's
Statement. Battles and Leaders,
I, p. 252.
57. Ropes, I, p. 157.
58. Upton, p. 243.
59. Campaigns of the Army of the
Potomac, pp. 58 and 60.
60. Defeat of the Union forces
and death of General Lyon at
Wilson's Creek, August 10th;
surrender of Lexington,
Missouri, September 20th;
disastrous repulse at Ball's
Bluff, October 21st; indecisive
action at Belmont, November 7th;
and victory of Drainesville,
December 20th, 1861.
61. Comte de Paris, I, pp.
254-256.
62. McClellan's Own Story, p.
200.
63. Of the five Major Generals
appointed up to September 18,
1861, four were selected from
civil life; of 71 Brigadier
Generals, 24 were civilians.
At the commencement of
hostilities there were 1,054
graduates of West Point, 168 of
whom joined the Rebellion.
Although there were more than
600 captains and lieutenants in
the Regular Army who might
advantageously have been
utilized in the highest grades
of the volunteer regiments,
Congress, by the Act of July 22,
1861, prevented any use being
made of them in that capacity if
the governor of a State choose
to make his own appointments
(pages 98 and 605). This policy,
which resulted in keeping
professional officers in the
lower grades of the Army, was
undoubtedly one of the greatest
blunders committed during the
war. Compare Upton, pp. 236,
237, 261 and 263; Cullum, I, pp.
12-14.
64. Quaere? Certainly not from a
military standpoint.